Category: Middle East

The fighters say they signed up to battle the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), not the al-Nusra Front. How can the get it so wrong???

US-trained Syrian fighters refusing to fight

AA inShare Kamilia Lahrichi Last updated: April 15, 2015 How tobacco companies are aggressively pushing into the Middle East

An Iraqi man smokes a cigarette a hotel in central Baghdad in 2010. The Iraqi parliament has approved an anti-smoking law

The Middle East, which has the most rapidly growing rate of smokers on the planet, has become a lucrative marketplace for tobacco companies, as they are reaping the benefits of laxer regulations on smoking than in Western nations, increasing incomes and a booming young population.

More worrisome, the tobacco industry is appealing to youth with specific marketing and advertising strategies, such as special packaging, health experts and policy-makers warned at the International Conference on Tobacco or Health that ended on March 21 in Abu Dhabi. The five-day event has called for stricter tobacco control worldwide.

In emerging economies like Morocco or Egypt, it is common to see children as young as seven-year old smoking cigarettes, usually in poorer neighborhoods and slums.

“Tobacco companies are not like other businesses,” said Matthew Myers, President of Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids, a non-governmental organization in the United States, during a training organized by the National Press Foundation. “They intentionally make their products addictive, knowing that their products kill.”

‘TODAY’S TEENAGER IS TOMORROW’S POTENTIAL’

The tobacco industry sells its products through advertising and promotion that target women and young people, knowing that most people start smoking in their teenage years.

Major tobacco companies, such as Philip Morris International, British American Tobacco, and Imperial Tobacco, today spend US$8.8 billion annually on marketing. It equals to the GDP of Haiti or Niger.

For instance, British American Tobacco sold more than 27.4 billion cigarettes across the Middle East in 2012.

“Today’s teenager is tomorrow’s potential regular customer, and the overwhelming majority of smokers first begin to smoke while still in their teens,” reads a report titled Young Smokers: Prevalence, Trends, Implications, and Related Demographic Trends, quoting a Phillip Morris representative.

In the 1950s, tobacco companies marketed their products through fashion. They have also advertised tobacco through sport, like during the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa: packs of cigarettes and lighters displayed football teams’ flag.

In 2006, an American judge concluded that the tobacco industry had lied to “the young people they avidly sought as ‘replacement smokers’” about the health effects of smoking, in a multibillion-dollar racketeering case.

More recently, Philip Morris International’s campaign “Don’t Be a Maybe: Be Marlboro” irked international public health organizations and anti-smoking advocacy groups.

“British American Tobacco sold more than 27.4 billion cigarettes across the Middle East in 2012”

“With the new campaign, Marlboro encourages (youth) to be decisive, trust themselves and follow their inspiration,” explained Senior Vice President of Marketing and Sales Frederic de Wilde during an Investor Day presentation in 2012.

“The concept is very simple: there are three ways to react when faced with a decision: Yes, No, or Maybe. Marlboro does not believe in Maybes,” he said about a marketing campaign that has expanded to over 50 countries.

One ad pictures a woman in her twenties standing barefoot on a rooftop and overlooking the city at sunset. “A Maybe never reached the top,” reads the slogan.

“Maybe never fell in love,” reads another one, with the picture of a young couple kissing.

While some of these ads have today been banned in developed economies like Germany, they are still prevalent in emerging markets.

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FASTEST GROWTH RATE OF SMOKERS ON THE PLANET

Although a clear link was established between smoking cigarettes and cancer in the 1950s, the tobacco industry is aggressively pushing into the Arab world.

Tobacco is responsible for killing six million people every year or one person every six seconds. It kills more human souls than HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria combined. It is also the main cause of preventable death.

In the United Arab Emirates, smoking caused more than 13% of male deaths in 2010, compared with 14% in Jordan and 15% in Egypt, according to data by Tobacco Atlas, a database launched in March 2015.

Cigarette consumption has decreased in developed nations – due to increased awareness of the health risks and higher taxes – whereas it has increased in lower and middle-income countries.

“The Middle East and Africa (region) remains one of only two growing regions in the world in terms of cigarette volume sales, despite growing anti-tobacco policies,” reads Euromonitor’s 2011 regional overview.

MEA amounts to a little less than half of world demand for cigarettes. From 2005 to 2010, smoking tobacco was the fastest growing sector in value terms, the study finds.

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This is the result of a growing young adult population as demand is highly strong among youngsters. Regional smoking prevalence averages 25% to 30%.

“The developing world is the tobacco industry’s promise land to expand its products,” said Margaret Chan, Director General of the World Health Organization at the conference on March 18.

STRONG SMOKING CULTURE

On top of falling for ads geared towards youth – it has become more socially acceptable to smoke in the region – the Middle East is a lucrative marketplace for tobacco companies because of its growing young population and robust smoking culture.

“In the United Arab Emirates, smoking caused more than 13% of male deaths in 2010”

Tobacco is deeply entrenched in Arab customs, with a local mix of herbs like dokha, smoked in a midwakh pipe in the United Arab Emirates, or khat in Yemen.

Saudi Arabia has the highest per capita consumption of pipe tobacco on the planet while Egypt consumes the most hookahs in volume terms, according to 2011 data from Euromonitor.

Besides, there has been a paradox in the region in regard to tobacco as some countries have implemented harsher tobacco control policies but the tobacco industry has strengthened its influence.

For example, Egypt – the largest consumer of cigarettes in the region – has increased taxes on tobacco products and implemented anti-tobacco policies but low cigarette prices and increased illicit trade due to the political turmoil have contributed to boosting tobacco consumption.

Turkey is the only paragon in the Middle East as tobacco consumption decreased. It prohibited advertising, promoting and sponsoring tobacco products and activities, or displaying tobacco products on television. It also banned smoking cigarettes or hookah in public areas.

“If we could achieve this in a country where we say ‘smoking like a Turk,’ it can easily be achieved in other countries,” said Turkey’s Health Minister Mehmet Müezzinoğlu on March 18.

Even though Americans and Iranians want peace and cooperation between their two countries, US oil cartels, defense companies and the Israel lobby is preventing a deal going forward, says Caleb Maupin from the International Action Centre

Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif (L) talks to journalist from a balcony of the Palais Coburg hotel where the Iran nuclear talks meetings are being held in Vienna, Austria July 9, 2015. (Reuters/Carlos Barria)

‘Greed of Wall Street prevents Iran nuclear deal from being signed’

West powerless to hold back tide of Islamic fundamentalism and chaos

<i>Illustration: Matt Davidson</i>

West powerless to hold back tide of Islamic fundamentalism and chaos.

T E Lawrence naivete lives on

T E Lawrence, Portrait as a Bedouin [Getty]

T E Lawrence naivete lives on – Al Jazeera English.

Caught between Assad’s regime and Islamist violence, the Syrian peace movement finds its voice.

Bad social policy, not ideology, is to blame for the Arab world’s woes – Your Middle East

Bahraini youth holding signs calling for the boycott of the parliamentary elections, 2014

 

Bad social policy, not ideology, is to blame for the Arab world’s woes – Your Middle East.

US Weapons Industry Profits From Conflicts of Carnage in Middle East

awarproit3

 

US Weapons Industry Profits From Conflicts of Carnage in Middle East.

Interview with a Saudi atheist – Your Middle East

Saudi students

Interview with a Saudi atheist – Your Middle East.

Arab women taking the film industry by storm – Your Middle East

Snapshot from Where Do We Go Now?

Arab women taking the film industry by storm – Your Middle East.

A zone of frenemies: untangling Middle East relations

The bitter rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran can be seen played out across the Middle East, from the rise of Islamic State to the assault against the Houthis in Yemen. Amin Saikal writes about what this means for the US as it attempts to find a coherent policy.

The Middle East continues to be a zone of frenemies. The latest development is the collective military assault by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and a number of its Arab allies against the Houthis as an allegedly Iranian-backed terrorist group in Yemen.

This comes hot on the heels of these countries’ refusal to assist the US-led air campaign with ground forces against ‘Islamic State’ (IS) in Iraq.

Why against the Houthis, but not IS?

The answer lies in the Saudi-Iranian geopolitical driven sectarian rivalries, and America’s attempts to maintain its de facto alliance with Saudi Arabia and its Arab allies, negotiate a nuclear agreement with Iran, and fight IS with as much regional support as possible.

The Houthis are followers of Shi’a Islam and claim representation on behalf of 45 per cent of the Yemeni population. As such, they have a sectarian affiliation with the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Tehran has been accused of materially supporting the Houthis rebellion, which since last September has taken over the capital Sana. The Houthis have successfully fought the Saudi-backed government of president Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi, who has fled the capital, as well as the Sunni Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). The Saudis and their partners in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and Egypt want to get rid of the Houthis and reinstall Hadi’s leadership. The Iranian supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has condemned the Saudi-led assault as a “genocide” and called for its end. However, the United States has backed the Saudi-led military campaign to Tehran’s annoyance.

In contrast, Saudi Arabia and its allies have only made a symbolic contribution to the US-led Western air campaign against IS. Yet, clearly what could help this campaign to roll back IS is a regional ground force to assist the Iraqi military.

Two reasons account for why this has not occurred. First, IS is an extremist Sunni, anti-Shia entity, whose ideology is rooted in the Saudi brand of Wahabi/Salafi Islam. IS, which established itself over large swathes of Iraqi and Syrian territories last June, was initially a beneficiary of funds coming from Saudi Arabia and some of its oil-rich GCC partners. These countries were motivated by the consideration that Iran had gained too much influence in Iraq, which had traditionally been identified with the Arab world, and Syria, where Iranian aid has sustained Bashar al-Assad’s government as Iran’s only Arab strategic partner, and Lebanon, in which the Iranian-backed Hezbollah has reigned supreme in support of Iran’s wider regional interests.

This means that whilst Saudi Arabia and its allies would like to see IS contained, they do not find it in their strategic interests to see it eliminated as an anti-Iranian and anti-Syrian government force. The second reason is that the Iraqi government is dominated by the Shi’as, who form a majority of the Iraqi population, and cannot afford to offend Tehran by being receptive to an Arab force to fight IS on its soil.

Paradoxically, whilst opposed to IS and helping the Iraqi and Kurdish forces, as well as cooperating informally with the US and its Western allies in combating IS, Tehran shares the Arab countries’ step-back approach to IS, although for different reasons.

Iran views IS as an extension of Saudi Salafism, and does not mind to see its continuation in a symbolic form for a while to discredit the Saudi brand of Islam and thus counter the Saudi opposition to Iran. Meanwhile, to shore up its domestic and regional position, the Iranian regime, with moderate/reformist Hassan Rouhani in the presidency, wants a breakthrough in its long-standing hostilities with the United States.

In response, US president Barack Obama has found diplomacy as the best means to settle the dispute over Iran’s nuclear program and to come to terms with Tehran. Yet, like the Iranian leadership, Obama faces his internal and regional detractors, who do not view a possible normalisation of US-Iranian relations to be in their strategic interests. Israel has campaigned viciously against it, and Saudi Arabia and its regional allies have voiced serious apprehension about it. For Obama to overcome this opposition, he has engaged in a regional balancing act. He has supported the Saudi-led military action against the Houthis and has blamed Iran for Yemen’s woes (although Yemen’s strife stems largely from internal factors) and assured Israel of America’s unwavering commitment to it.

What may emerge from all this is unpredictable. But one thing is sure. Irrespective of whether or not there will be a US-Iranian rapprochement, the Saudi-Iranian rivalry may continue to be a main cause of regional volatility, unless the two sides agree to a summit to settle their differences peacefully through dialogue and understanding.

As for the United States, it presently lacks a clear and coherent policy in dealing with a region riven by contradictions and paradoxes. It appears to be shuttling between various forces to find a niche of determining influence in the region. However, if there is a major improvement in its relations with Iran, that could help it to play a meaningful role in resolving some of the regional issues, ranging from Iraqi to Yemeni conflicts, that at least partly underpin the Saudi-Iranian rivalry.

Amin Saikal is Distinguished Professor of Political Science, public policy fellow and director of the Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies (the Middle East and Central Asia) at the Australian National University, and author of Iran at the Crossroads (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2015, forthcoming).

Christians in peril – because of Western foreign policy — RT Op-Edge

Ibrahim al-Khalil church in Jaramana, eastern Damascus (Reuters / Omar Sanadik)

Christians in peril – because of Western foreign policy — RT Op-Edge.

Middle East sectarianism explained: the narcissism of small differences – Your Middle East

Saudi Shiite protest killing of prominent Shiite cleric and anti-government protester

Middle East sectarianism explained: the narcissism of small differences – Your Middle East.

Arab nations united in fury against Isis but divided on strategy

Queen Rania of Jordan holds a picture of the murdered pilot Muadh al-Kasasbeh at a march against Isis in Amman.

Jordan seeks revenge for pilot’s horrific death, with UAE, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain in agreement – but only a ground offensive can destroy Islamic State

Islamic State (Isis) intended to terrorise its enemies when it filmed a Jordanian pilot being burned alive in a cage and it clearly hoped to weaken the resolve of the Arab states that have joined the US-led global coalition fighting the jihadi group. But the sheer brutality of the execution, beamed round the world last week, seems instead to have galvanised Arab governments and Muslim religious authorities into more strident opposition to Isis – expressed in furious condemnation and high-profile but limited military moves.

Jordan, enraged by the immolation of Lieut Muadh al-Kasasbeh – and the threat that other pilots will meet the same grisly fate – has sent 20 fighter jets to bomb eastern Syria since last Thursday, its biggest air operation since the 1967 six-day war.

“Our hearts are bleeding with sadness and anger,” Queen Rania said on Monday. “My country, Jordan, is facing the crisis with patience, faith, and a determination to fight terrorism and exact retribution from those committing the most heinous and brutal atrocities of our time.”

The UAE, another Sunni Arab member of the coalition, dispatched a squadron of F-16 fighter jets to Jordan after suspending operations in the aftermath of Kasasbeh’s capture. Arab cooperation was necessary to put an end to the “monstrous actions” of “terrorist gangs” and protect moderation, it said. Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, Barack Obama’s other Arab “partner nations”, also issued defiant statements of solidarity with the Hashemite kingdom.

In Cairo, Sheikh Ahmad al-Tayyeb, the grand imam of al-Azhar, the world’s leading institution of Sunni learning, condemned Isis as “corrupters of the Earth”, who wage war against God and the prophet, and therefore deserve the scriptural punishment of death, crucifixion and the amputation of their limbs. Arab participation was seen as vital to the credibility of Obama’s goal of “degrading and destroying” Isis. But it has been more important politically than militarily. Of 2,000 or so air strikes carried out in Syria, less than 10% were by Arab air forces, though full statistics have never been published.

Apart from an initial flourish of publicity, none advertised what their pilots were doing out of fear of retaliation or a backlash from jihadi sympathisers at home. “That has been part of the problem,” said one Amman-based western diplomat. “People didn’t even know Jordan was bombing Isis.” Revulsion, however understandable, does not appear to herald significant change to the conduct of the campaign. “Jordan’s anger is justified but in military terms they can’t add very much,” said Mustafa Alani of the Gulf Research Centre in Dubai.

“They are retaliating because of the brutal killing of their pilot but they only have 20 F-16s. And now that fixed targets and infrastructure have been hit, air operations are reaching the limit of their usefulness anyway. Air strikes depend heavily on human as well as electronic intelligence and there’s a huge shortage of accurate intelligence. After six months what has been achieved is very limited.”

Egypt, which no longer calls for Bashar al-Assad to go and is seeking to rebuild its regional influence, is preoccupied with the growing jihadi insurgency in Sinai and wants western help to fight that.

Alani and other analysts say hopes for turning the tide against Isis rest now not with air strikes but with a promised ground offensive in Iraq, specifically the recapture of Mosul, the dramatic fall of which last June shocked the world. Arab ground forces will not take part in that, though the Saudis are said to be signalling readiness to provide financial support.

Still, suspicions persist about the Shia-dominated government of Haider al-Abadi in Baghdad, with little discernible progress in efforts to enfranchise a Sunni community that is still smarting from its loss of power since the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in the 2003 US-led invasion. Sunnis fear “liberation” at the hands of an Iraqi army backed by Shia militias – which work closely with the Iranian Revolutionary Guards – that stand accused of carrying out sectarian atrocities in areas recaptured from Isis.

So for all the horror of Kasasbeh’s execution, it does not look like a turning point. “I think the Jordanian response to the killing – appalling and grotesque as it was – cannot on its own be the answer,” said John Jenkins, recently retired as the UK ambassador to Saudi Arabia and now Middle East director of the Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS). “Once vengeance is slaked we’re back to the underlying pathology: you fundamentally can’t use Shia militias to win a sectarianised battle for Sunni hearts and minds. And Iraq and Yemen in different ways represent exactly that. Meanwhile, Assad is laughing.”

The US commentator Aaron David Miller observed: “Tempting as it may be to see the killing as a transformative act, it probably won’t be. Other than additional military coordination with Jordan, we can expect only the continuation of the overall strategy to check Islamic State gains in Iraq and the plan for assisting Iraqi forces in retaking … Mosul and other areas. The air campaign will continue against Islamic State in Syria. Broader shifts in US policy as a result of the killing, such as deploying large numbers of ground forces, seem unlikely.”

US officials say ground forces will be needed to defeat Isis in both Iraq and Syria but insist those forces should consist of Iraqis and moderate Syrian rebels. The US has already begun training Iraqi forces, while the Syrian “train and equip” scheme is only scheduled to start in the spring.

Arab countries still have strong reservations about Obama’s overall Middle Eastern strategy, regional experts agree. “The horrific and provocative nature of Kasasbeh’s execution has momentarily muted criticism of the coalition and compelled Arab leaderships to flex some muscles to project steadfastness and placate their own constituencies,” said Emile Hokayem, an IISS analyst. “However, this tragedy is unlikely to decisively change the Arab countries’ mind about the campaign. Their disagreement about US strategy, their frustration with developments in Iraq and concerns about Iran remain strong.”

The asphyxiated politics of the Muslim world : With the prominance of the Right and the dominance of Tyrants worldwide change for the young can only be seen at the end of a gun.

The asphyxiated politics of the Muslim world – Al Jazeera English.

Tough times ahead for the wealthy Gulf – Your Middle East

Emirati youths in traditional outfits sit with falcons near a Bedouin tent late on October 28, 2014 during a festival in the city of Al-Ain celebrating traditional culture

Tough times ahead for the wealthy Gulf – Your Middle East.