Tag: First People

Linda Burney says Australia is the only first world nation with a colonial history that doesn’t recognise its first people in its constitution. Is she correct? – Politics – ABC News (Australian Broadcasting Corporation)

Linda Burney's claim checks out

via Linda Burney says Australia is the only first world nation with a colonial history that doesn’t recognise its first people in its constitution. Is she correct? – Politics – ABC News (Australian Broadcasting Corporation)

Australia’s heartless ‘House of Discards’ refuse First Nations’ fundamental rights

The weakness at the heart of our democracy is revealed in the lack of protections for our First Nations people, writes Jeff McMullen, who sets out a plan to begin to right these wrongs.

Australia’s heartless ‘House of Discards’ refuse First Nations’ fundamental rights

Social Equality by Andrew Bolt…..Times have’nt changed. 3% 0f our population 30% of our prisons.

Stop the closure of the homelands. State and Federal governments must fund services in remote Aboriginal communities.

Sarah Jay

Western Australian Premier Colin Barnett has announced the state will close 100 to 150 of the 274 remote communities in WA. He has stated that the WA government will not pick up the shortfall once Federal funding ends in July 2015.

The Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara (APY) lands in South Australia are also under threat due to the withdrawal of federal funding.

Communities in the Northern Territory have already been closed, having devastating consequences on those who have been removed from their lands.

“We see this as the biggest threat to our people since the shocking events of the 1960s … we assert the right of people to live in and on their traditional country, for which they have ancient and deep responsibilities. To be talking of relocating people off their traditional country does indeed take us back 50 years in a very ugly way.”  Fitzroy Valley traditional owners and native title holders.

Homeland communities allow people to live on their country. Living on country means that Aboriginal people are able to sustain their language, spiritual connection to their land, and hence their culture. When adequate services are provided to homeland communities, significant research shows that it allows people to have better health, and wellbeing outcomes. This is in direct contrast to the experiences of living townships, where social disfunction and disadvantage are often at much higher levels that on homeland communities.

Homelands are widely understood to have lower levels of social problems, such as domestic violence and substance abuse, than more populated communities. According to reports, the health of Indigenous people living on homelands is significantly better than of those living in larger communities. Homelands are also used effectively as part of substance abuse and other programmes for at-risk Aboriginal youth living in more populated or urban centres.” (UN Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Rights)

STOP the closure of the Homelands. It is essential that federal and state governments provide these communities with the services they require.

The funding of remote Aboriginal communities must not end.

Aboriginal communities MUST be allowed to live on their land, and must be provided the same services that other Australian’s take for granted.

“It’s smacks of the assimilation policies over the early 60s, it’s horrendous. This is a diabolical, in my view, highly racially motivated agenda.”

Greens MLC Robin Chapple (“Premier Colin Barnett says remote WA communities face closure due to Commonwealth funding cuts”, Perth Now, 13th November, 2014)

 

 “How can it be that everyone in the state except Aboriginals get the funding, that’s where my anger is. It’s almost like an infrastructure apartheid system. He (Barnett) is moving into a very dangerous area. My argument is that if they are supplying services to communities of the same size of Aboriginal communities but they are not providing them to Aboriginal communities, I call that infrastructure apartheid. This has been going on for decades from state and territory governments and it has got to stop.’’

Warren Mundine (“WA remote closures ‘apartheid’, says Warren Mundine”, The Australian, 14 November, 2014)

The man who renounced Australia

Murrumu Walubara Yidindji at Skeleton creek, near Cairns

Canberra press gallery journalist Jeremy Geia has walked away from his job, given up his passport and belongings and reverted to his tribal name, Murrumu Walubara Yidindji. He tells Paul Daley why he decided to ‘leave Australia’ while remaining on the continent – and why he still loves a cup of English breakfast tea

Last April Jeremy Geia posted his driver’s licence to the chief minister of the Australian Capital Territory, where he was then living, with a polite note explaining why he no longer needed it.

Then he returned his passport and Medicare card to the federal government.

Geia sent them back because he had decided to “leave Australia” while remaining in this continent, by reverting to his tribal name and adhering primarily to the law of his people, the Yidindji of north Queensland.

While severing all official contact and contracts with Australian institutions, he made a few more momentous life decisions too, relinquishing a good salary by quitting his job as chief political correspondent in the Canberra press gallery for National Indigenous Television, giving away most of his things, and abandoning his bank accounts and 20 years’ superannuation.

We are talking in Cairns over breakfast (my shout; he carries barely enough change to park his borrowed car) about what inspired him to abandon what he calls the “Australian citizen ship”.
Murrumu Walubara Yidindji (then Jeremy Geia) with Julian Assange Murrumu in his former life as NITV’s chief political correspondent. He was the first western reporter to interview Julian Assange at the Ecuadorian embassy in London

Murrumu Walubara Yidindji, as he is now, is highly adept with words – consistent with the reputation he honed in Canberra and elsewhere (among other stories he broke, Murrumu was the first western reporter to interview Julian Assange in London’s Ecuadorian embassy) as a highly respected journalist. He footnotes his English aphorism with Latin interpretation and constantly riffs – even kind of raps – off the entendre of words he so precisely selects.

He’s a warm, enigmatic big bear of a bloke with whom conversation oscillates seamlessly from the intensely political (sovereignty and the sites where his people were massacred) to prosaic (football, kids, mutual friends, weather).

To begin to understand Murrumu it’s perhaps best to start here.
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“Superficies solo credit – what is attached to the land belongs to the land,” he says.

“Qui prior est tempore potior est jure – first in time is best in law.”

Murrumu’s message could not be clearer: the Yidindji have been on their land – which incorporates all of Cairns, extends from the Russell river in the south to the Mowbray in the north, and reaches from beyond the Malbon Thompson range and out into the Coral Sea past the Franklin Islands – since the Dreaming began. Any additions to that land, such as buildings and roads, piers and jetties, he insists, belong to the country itself and the Yidindji.

“The Australian government sees us as the original inhabitants and [as] the original peoples, and that says to me that our law is strongest in law and their law is Johnny Come Lately,” he says.

Having rescinded and revoked any allegiance to the Commonwealth of Australia, he says, “1788 is fast becoming 1984”.

“The rapid dominance resulting from British contact has fast turned many tribal people into state citizens who live lives of voluntary servitude far removed from their tribal duties and laws.”

While it seems that not all practical detail of abandoning the citizen ship has yet been finessed, Murrumu has embarked on a campaign – beginning this week in Canberra where he’ll meet foreign diplomats and speak at the Australian National University – to cultivate international awareness about the supremacy of Yidindji law and his departure from Australia.

“People that know me and know what I’m doing are more than happy to support me because they know that what I’m doing is the truth,” he says.

“The truth is that we were here before the British. The truth is that we hold sovereignty and dominion over these lands. The truth is that there’ve been genocide and multiple crimes against humanity and massacres committed on this land that haven’t been brought to … justice.

“We’ve sent notices to the world letting them know that Yidindji tribal authority is here and [about] my wish to make an offer to negotiate and … to settle with the ones who are benefiting from the unjust enrichments from using my ancestral lands and my child’s property.”

He has written to Tony Abbott, whom he knows personally. But so far he’s only received an impersonal response from the prime minister’s department.

Murrumu says while he had been contemplating a return to tribal law for some time, the political instability, treachery, deceit and self-indulgence surrounding the Labor leadership, especially in mid-2013 when Kevin Rudd reassumed the prime ministership, helped crystallise his decision.

“Everyone in Parliament House was talking about it and at that stage I thought, ‘This is childlike – how can people, including my people, improve their lives when this type of caper is going on?’

“While that circus was happening a lot of people who had put their faith in voting and in the political process had been disrespected. That, for me, was the tipping point and I made a decision to say, ‘You know what? This is a system that’s not for me. That’s when I decided to jump off the citizen ship, leave Australia.”

Divesting personal possessions is liberating, says Murrumu, who, I’m guessing, might be in his late 30s or early 40s.

I do ask his age, and he says: “I have been here since the beginning of time. My body has information that is tens of thousands of years old.”

Fair enough.

Today he owns seven T-shirts and one pair of trousers. Nothing else. No longer opening mail is a blessing, he says. Notably, for a bloke who’s off the grid, he’s still on the net and his emails arrive under his tribal moniker.

He lives with friends including a Yidindji elder, Gudju Gudju, on the outskirts of Cairns where the fecund, black earth, with its countless worry lines of rivulets and streams, begins to rise gently into the dense, lush rainforest of the ancient range.

“And I do still love my English football – Liverpool. And English breakfast tea,” he volunteers.

Then he laughs because … well, yes, the irony, which is pretty acute, is not lost on him. But then again, he’s not declaring war on Britain and Australia, “just peacefully going back to my original law”. While plenty may – and will – disagree, I guess Murrumu is still entitled to support whichever English Premier League team he likes and imbibe whatever cha, so long as it’s on someone else’s flat screen and there are mates willing to spot him a teabag or two.

As we drive to the place where he sleeps (“I live in here,” he insists, tapping his chest, in a way that prompts you to think about your own life) a police car passes on the other side of the highway.

“Policy enforcement officers,” Murrumu says, shaking his head.

Officers who would doubtless be confused should they pull Murrumu over and demand to see his licence.

“Yeah, I don’t hold a licence because it had the incorrect name on it [Jeremy Geia] and furthermore I did not want to hold a licence because the supreme creator here is Gayaburra Goopi and he gave the tribal people the law to uphold and this gives us the supreme authority on the land,” he says.
Murrumu Walubara Yidindji at Skeleton creek, near Cairns
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Murrumu on Yidindji land at Skeleton creek, the site of an 1880s massacre. Photograph: Paul Daley for the Guardian

He explains that he and a few others who are following his example carry only a document, created by him, that explains their tribal identity. Yidindji number plates and perhaps even currency are planned. In the meantime Murrumu is growing food and bartering, sometimes with his own impressive paintings, demand for which is growing.

“Who created the licences … and all these other things that Australian citizens use? It’s the crown or the commonwealth. So they belong to them. And you know, give back to Caesar what belongs to Rome … this is your stuff, so take it back.”

About here I start to wonder if Murrumu is having just a little bit of a lend. He says that if stopped by the Australian authorities he would identify himself as a tribal man who lives outside Australia and he expects that his status would be respected.

And I also wonder if he’s having me on when he acknowledges the advantages of living in Australia, such as Medicare and public hospitals and schools, but reiterates “what is attached to the land belongs to the land” and “if this is tribal land then surely all these buildings belong to the tribe”, which leads inevitably to this exchange:

“OK, so your kid gets sick and needs to go to hospital and he needs to go to school, how do you deal with that practicality?”

Murrumu: “Well, we just take them to school, and they get an education.”

“But that is an education provided by the state.”

Murrumu: “Yeah, but that school’s on my land.”

“The same with the hospital, right?”

“That’s exactly right.”

But by the time we get to Gudju Gudju’s house, Murrumu has mentioned perhaps half a dozen times the massacre of various tribal people, his own included, by soldiers, settlers and police that began with the arrival of the first citizen ship from England in 1788.

Yes, he is provoking an important conversation by just about any verbal means possible. But in the end I am left in no doubt that he is entirely serious and that his resolve is sure. He’s not having a lend.

I meet Gudju Gudju, who takes me across the road to a grassy lot that abuts Skeleton creek. We stand beneath the impressive canopy of a monolithic raintree, imported from the Americas long after the British arrived, and Gudju Gudju rubs his scent on to me so the creek’s spirits won’t harm me.

The “old people”, as Gudju Gudju calls them, are here now – right there, he says, just over my shoulder, along the creek bank, where their heads were cut off and placed on stakes. He incants in Yidindji, rubs his hands under his armpits and wipes them softly on my face and torso.

Queensland was, perhaps, the stage for the most excessive frontier violence against the continent’s Indigenous people. A growing body of evidence suggests upwards of 50,000 people died at the hands of settlers, soldiers and native police in colonial Queensland alone.
Murrumu Walubara Yidindji’s 2010 painting Skeleton Creek
Murrumu’s 2010 painting Skeleton Creek

Skeleton creek is the site of one such massacre in the 1880s. That is corroborated by both Yidindji oral history, as conveyed in Murrumu’s 2010 painting Skeleton Creek, and colonial records. The locals were massacred and decapitated by settlers and the native police, and their heads put on stakes at regular intervals along the creek to stop the local clans continually crossing the waterway to attack pastoralists.

After Canberra, Murrumu plans to take his message overseas. I’m anxious on his behalf; I ask how he intends to travel abroad without an Australian passport.

“Well, I don’t need a passport,” he says. “Passports are for citizens and I’m not a citizen. I am a tribal man and there are ways that I can’t disclose to you that I can travel under protection and with what people would say is diplomatic immunity.”

And so we can probably add Customs to the list of commonwealth of institutions – I’m guessing behind Asio, the Queensland and federal police – that are likely to have a heightened awareness of Murrumu from now on.

Murrumu seems to expect this but insists he’s not afraid. “I don’t fear for my life because what I’m doing is the truth. But I don’t want to be intercepted or interfered with and the Australians must respect that.

“And if their police or their courts or their magistrates touch me or interfere with me then it will be an act of slavery and crimes against the tribe.”

We may have heard the last of Jeremy Geia but we have not heard the last, I suspect, of Murrumu Walubara Yidindji.

First Contact: Six Australians experience Aboriginal Australia with eye-opening results

First Contact: Sneak peek

http://www.news.com.au/video/id-NqamlycTpKm0mggK9A3TkNcaLslWs3sj/First-Contact:-Sneak-peek

  First Contact: Six Australians experience Aboriginal Australia with eye-opening result

every picture is reality….Australia

News > World Aboriginal Deaths in Australian Prisons Due to Jailers’ ‘Indifference’

“No room for racism.” Protesters in Sydney demanded action on Indigenous deaths in custody on October 23. (Photo: Peter Boyle/ Green Left Weekly)

“No room for racism.” Protesters in Sydney demanded action on Indigenous deaths in custody on October 23. (Photo: Peter Boyle/ Green Left Weekly)

The suicide of an Aboriginal man in a Western Australian prison has sparked renewed controversy over the decades old issue of Indigenous deaths in custody. To find out more, teleSUR English spoke to the head of the Indigenous Social Justice Association, Ray Jackson.

Indigenous leaders in Australia have warned that the levels of Indigenous deaths in custody remain at “outrageous” levels, more than 20 years after a royal commission sought to end the tragedies.

“There is, however, a need to look at the jail systems across Australia and their indifference to the removal of hanging points from all the jail cells,” Ray Jackson, of the Indigenous Social Justice Association told teleSUR English in an exclusive interview on Saturday.

In 1991 a royal commission into spiraling rates of Indigenous deaths in custody demanded prisons across the country examine cells for points where prisoners could hang themselves, and remove them.

The royal commission was established in 1987 in response to an outcry from the public over allegations Indigenous Australians were dying in prisons at a vastly higher rate than non-Indigenous prisoners.

Although the commission found no evidence Indigenous prisoners died at a higher rate than the wider prisoner population, it did conclude Indigenous Australians are imprisoned at a far higher rate than the general population.

Many Indigenous deaths were attributed to self-harm and suicide. The commission issued over 300 recommendations to prison authorities to reduce deaths, but still today Indigenous rights advocates say many recommendations have gone unheeded, and Indigenous deaths in custody have only increased since the commission.

In 2013, the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) found Indigenous deaths in prisons had spiked over the five preceding years, despite deaths in custody for non-Indigenous prisoners remaining stable.

The AIC found most deaths were caused by heart conditions and other medical problems, though self-harm remained high.

The latest death occurred on October 22, when an Indigenous man referred to only as Mr Wallam hung himself in Perth’s Casuarina Prison.

Mr Wallam cannot be further identified for cultural reasons. According to a report by The Australian on Sunday, Mr Wallam was just three months away from being released.

News of the man’s death hit local media as thousands of Australians were taking part in marches to protest Indigenous deaths in custody on October 23.

“It is ironic that as hundreds were marching around this country to raise our concerns of the outrageous number of death in custody of Aborigines an unnamed 31 year old Aboriginal man is reported to have suicided in Casuarina Jail,” Jackson said.

Jackson argued prison authorities urgently need to take action to curb Indigenous deaths, and he isn’t alone. Peter Boyle from Australia’s Green Left Weekly newspaper told teleSUR, “There have been 340 Aboriginal deaths in custody since the end of the royal commission.”

“Most could have been prevented if the (commission’s) recommendations were all implemented,” he said.

Head of the Deaths in Custody Watch Committee Marc Newhouse told The Australian newspaper there were allegations prisoners at Casuarina were mistreated, and that the prison was overcrowded.

“Two decades after the royal commissions, why are there still hanging points in jails?” Newhouse asked. During the protests the day after Mr Wallam’s death, Western Australian premier Colin Barnett told crowds in Perth he would make a “personal commitment” to reduce Indigenous prisoner deaths.

“I will do that, you then judge me on whether I succeed or not, but I give you that commitment today,” Barnett stated, according to the UK’s Guardian newspaper.

However, Barnett’s comments weren’t in response to Mr Wallam’s death, but yet another Indigenous prisoner in the state.

Julieka Dhu died on August 4 while being held in custody at the South Hedland Police Station in Western Australia.

Dhu was being held in a process referred to as “paying down” fines. She reportedly carried around AU$1000 (US$880) in unpaid parking fines, which she was paying off by serving time in prison.

While other states such as New South Wales have long abandoned forcing people to pay off fines they can’t afford with prison time, as Jackson put it, in Western Australia “the old law still stands.”

One in seven prisoners in Western Australia between 2008 and 2013 were incarcerated purely to pay off fines, according to a report by The West Australian newspaper.

“It’s doubly wrong because the state and the taxpayer are losing the revenue from the fines and the individuals who are making no contribution are actually costing us. It costs to put people in prison,” the state’s shadow corrective services minister Paul Papalia said, according to the newspaper.

However, Jackson argued the measure amounts to a “Dickensian and brutally uncaring process of jailing the poor.”

“Those who cannot pay the fines placed upon them are doubly punished,” he stated.