The Abbott government’s latest tranches of national security and counter-terrorism laws represent the greatest attack on the Fourth Estate function of journalism in the modern era. They are worse than the Gillard government’s failed attempts to regulate the press.
Unlike most other Western democracies, Australia has no constitutional instrument protecting free expression as a human right. Few politicians can resist the temptation to control the flow of information if the law permits.
Here are five reasons that this latest move is damaging the democratic cornerstone of press freedom.
It is legislative over-reach
Australians have been given remarkably little explanation of why most of the new laws are needed. Even those that seem well founded could be amended to include a clear public interest, free expression or journalism exemption.
Existing laws worked well enough to enable the arrests and convictions of at least 15 people on terrorism charges in Australia since 2003. Federal Police powers were strong enough to obtain warrants to raid Channel Seven headquarters in Sydney in February. Officers seized computers over an unsubstantiated allegation that Seven had paid for an interview with convicted drug smuggler Schapelle Corby. The AFP later apologised.
It gags reportage of a key public issue
National security and counter-terrorism activity is a major Commonwealth budget item. The 2014-15 budget estimates allocate more than $4 billion a year to public order and safety. Since the budget, counter-terrorism has received an extra $630 million over four years, including almost $200 million for ASIO.
Such a sizable area of government merits maximum media scrutiny and transparency. It criminalises any disclosure, whether deliberate or not, of information about a “Special Intelligence Operation” (SIO).That is basically what journalists do – disclose information. Just to do so in this case carries a five-year jail term, or ten years if they jeopardise the operation.The Attorney-General’s assurances that journalists are not targeted might well be sincere, but the legislation now sits there for any future government to apply against anyone who dares to mention such an operation.
It compromises the separation of powers
Journalists’ exposure of cover-ups by politicians of all colours at all levels of government have dominated the Walkley Awards for decades. Their revelations have triggered inquiries like Queensland’s Fitzgerald Inquiry and New South Wales’ recent ICAC hearings.
These new gags give current and future governments the opportunity to avoid such scrutiny by claiming national security is involved.
It spells the end for the confidential source
The effects of s35P on disclosures, surveillance powers, including access to all of Australia’s IT networks with a single warrant, and metadata storage and access obligations effectively sound the death knell for the whistleblower as a confidential source in this country.
The Counter-Terrorism Legislation Amendment (Foreign Fighters) Bill 2014 now before parliament does offer a journalism exemption to the 10-year jail penalty for entering a declared terrorism area in a foreign country, which is indeed what war correspondents sometimes do. However, that exemption requires the journalist to prove what they were doing. And that may betray the identity of their sources.
Exemptions effectively license old media over new media
The exemption applies strictly to a “person working in a professional capacity as a journalist” (or assisting). This raises the recurring question of what defines a “journalist” in this new era.
The issue arises time and again as more people practise what we know as journalism. Bloggers, students, academics and “citizen journalists” are now valuable sources of information for the public. Yet many of them are not necessarily working in a professional capacity as a journalist.
Thus the new law would privilege the 20th-century definition of “journalist” and is a form of licensing.